Kings for a Day

The EU presidency is seen as a crowning achievement for Czech democracy, but the tectonic plates of geopolitics are shifting


The Czech Republic is poised to crown its European re-integration by taking on the presidency of the European Union. However, even as the Czechs take this symbolically momentous step, it seems the game has changed, and the Czech Republic may again find itself outflanked by the resurgent forces of history.

The presidency of the EU entails setting agendas for EU meetings and chairing discussions and negotiations. In practice, this allows the holder of the presidency to emphasize its particular concerns and to try pushing the union in a new direction. A positive example is the exposure given to the plight of East Timor during the 2000 Portuguese presidency, which highlighted the intolerable occupation of its former colony. This resulted in greater EU pressure on Indonesia and eventual independence for the Timorese people.

The depth and breadth of each of the themes of the Czech presidency — especially in the midst of the present economic and security uncertainties — would test the bureaucracy of any state. So, how will a midsize European country with a relatively young democracy cope with the internal machination of the EU and the external challenges during its time in the hot seat?

Although the EU prides itself on being a postmodern, post-power organization — with Luxembourg having the same voting power as Germany on many issues — there is still a tendency for the big boys to get their own way. The newer members of the exclusive club have also, on occasion, found themselves marginalized by the coherent (and somewhat inflexible) shared vision of more established states. The Czech government and civil service will work in close cooperation with the European Commission but must be careful not to let their own priorities be obscured by the onward march of unilinear Euro-visionary history.

The stated priorities for the Czech presidency come under the general slogan of “Europe without barriers” and include working toward a competitive and open Europe, sustainable and secure energy, a budget for Europe’s future, Europe as a global partner and a secure and free Europe.

A competitive and open Europe
This priority is intended to reinvigorate the movement toward the single market. This means removing remaining barriers to the free movement of capital, goods, services and labor, as well as eliminating the barriers retained toward new member states, plus making progress on the Lisbon agenda — which aimed to make the EU the world’s most competitive, knowledge-based economy. The Czech government has also explicitly stated that it intends to push for enhanced trade liberalization with external trading partners. However, with the liberal free trade model increasingly under attack — because of the world economic crisis and by resurgent worker and people’s rights movements — this may not only be easier said than done, but may not have the support of much of the European populace.

Sustainable and secure energy
The European Security Strategy identifies critical resources — such as oil and gas — as potential flash points for future conflicts. The Czechs, along with other Central Europeans, are all too aware of this, reliant as they are on Russian hydrocarbons. Having previously seen the taps turned off, the Czechs and the EU are keen to avoid a situation where Russian power makes others powerless through through their monopoly supplier position.

This seemingly laudable quest for “energy security” raises many important issues for the EU and the way that it conducts business. As was clear during the recent Georgia crisis, the EU’s relationship with Russia is characterized as much by impotence as by antagonism and internal division. The reflexive Russo-phobia on the part of many of the newer member states certainly does not help this trend, although the unilateral deal making of Germany and others is equally damaging in the EU’s quest to maximize leverage with the biggest fixer of its fossil fetish. However, as much as this reflects the EU’s inability to get its act together, it also illustrates the crass way in which the collective West disdainfully treats Russia’s assertions that it has a place at the top table of international politics. In these regards, the Czech presidency will need to be as mindful of the ambitions of certain EU states to reassert themselves as deal makers and power brokers on the world stage.

A budget for Europe’s future
The EU’s current budgetary fudge runs until 2013, and the Czech presidency wants to begin work on reaching a better settlement for the next budgetary period. This is a noble endeavor when one considers the Gordian knot of budgetary strands, including agricultural, regional and structural funding, not to mention the ideas for enhanced cooperation in justice and home affairs and the stated preference of the presidency preparation team for an intensified European Neighborhood Policy. Further perpetuating Czech difficulties is the current economic environment. The politics of economic choice have not been so prominent in a generation, and questions of state redistribution and subsidy, as well as the efficacy of free markets, are genuinely back on the table. This budget is likely to descend into trench warfare pitting commission ideologues against populist nationalists.

Europe as a global partner
EU foreign policy has been a traditional focus of presidential tenures, with most policy elites seeing it as key to expanding the EU’s global clout. The Czech Republic has identified three areas of focus: trans-Atlantic relations, the Western Balkans and Eastern Europe. As good Euro-Atlantic citizens, it is not surprising that the Czechs have chosen to focus on cooperation between the EU and NATO. Despite overlapping membership between the two organizations and the many practical agreements in place, significant differences remain. The issue of NATO expansion illustrates rifts between politicians in Washington and Brussels. In terms of practical issues, there is still much to be done with regard to interoperability within NATO itself, let alone between it and the EU. However, the real challenges remain political and strategic rather than military and tactical. Czech collaboration with the missile-defense shadow in Central Europe only heightens the complexity of their task in this field.

The Czechs will push for further integration and accession for countries of the Western Balkans. With the prospective drawdown of peacekeeping forces in Bosnia, against a backdrop of political fear and loathing there and in Kosovo, to say nothing of infighting among the international community, this region may unfortunately again become a focal point for Europe. Enlargement has been the most successful foreign policy in the EU’s history, the carrot of membership being sufficient for it to get its way abroad. This has taken a few hits of late, with doubts about process and methods compounded by a decreasing appetite for further enlargement. Hence, we see that in certain countries commitments have already been made for fast-tracking (Croatia), while others are farmed off into the European Neighborhood Policy. The Czechs cannot feasibly solve this on their watch, but initiating a more open and realistic dialogue, which recognizes the more pertinent critiques of the enlargement and neighborhood policies, would be welcome.

A secure and free Europe
The Czechs have identified the build-up in freedom, security and justice as one of the most dynamic areas of cooperation within the EU. They are keen to push this — to get further support for their own modernization of law enforcement and participation in the Schengen system and to be seen as full partners, not unreliable Eastern neighbors. However, this approach inevitably prioritizes security over freedom. It is worth remembering here that the taking down of formal borders has been accompanied by the increase of checks carried out by random patrols. The idea that borders have become filtration systems for sorting the useful wheat from the “unproductive chaff” is unacceptable in the context of the global income and opportunity disparities that drive much migration. The Czech presidency should strive to ensure that Schengen and increased law-enforcement cooperation are not allowed to become disguised mechanisms for detecting, detaining and deporting “surplus humanity.” Proposed measures — such as immigration policies targeting skilled labor and the creation of an electronic network of national judicial records — should be supplemented by public information campaigns to ensure that increased powers are accompanied by enhanced accountability from citizens, civil society and the media.

Royal ascent or democratic dialogue?
The Czech Republic’s priorities for the presidency run the gamut of difficult issues that the EU and its member states currently face. This is to be saluted, as Czechs have not ducked the big questions, although in a challenging environment they may have bitten off more than they can chew. It is imperative that, as well as delivering an administratively efficient presidency, the Czechs make their voices heard, while recognizing the inadequacies of current EU thinking and policy in each of these areas. Six months is too short a time to address the issues outlined above, but it is sufficient to build a platform for further and better debate, both behind closed doors and in the public arena. In this way, the Czech Republic could be remembered for a presidency that supports further democratization of the EU, rather than the reinforcement of a top-down elitist project.

Originally Published in The Prague Post on 17/12/2008